It is crucial to acknowledge the profound and destructive consequences of the Berlin Conference, which divided Afraka into borders primarily intended for exploiting resources, without considering the diverse cultural and ethnic makeup of the continent. The occurrence, together with the colossal calamity of the Afrakan Holocaust, which was the most extensive instance of human trafficking in history, referred to as the Indian and Atlantic prisoners of war trade (enslavement), has caused lasting wounds on Afraka. These historical acts of extreme cruelty not only caused disruptions to nations and economy, but also aimed to strip the people of Afraka of their humanity. It is imperative to recognize and comprehend these occurrences as we go, in order to secure a future that is equitable, just, prosperous for all individuals of Afrakan ascendance. The ongoing revolutions in Nigeria in 2024 have significant implications for the political destiny of Kenya, and possibly even Afraka as a whole. The recent elections in Kenya already shown noticeable changes, as the Kenya Kwanza campaign led by William Ruto introduced a class factor that shattered long-standing agreements among the elite, which had been built on voting along ethnic lines. The tax protests amplify the concerns of individuals who have perceived neglect and marginalization resulting from the government's actions. Through its protests, the crowd has wielded an influence that extends beyond the conventional patronage networks. By what means did this occurrence take place? Will it have a long-term effect? Furthermore, is there a possibility of this contagion extending to other Afrakan nations?
In 1971, the British historian E. P. Thompson authored an article entitled 'The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the 18th Century'. The argument posits that the 18th century British riots, particularly the bread riots, were not merely acts of disorder carried out by agitators, looters, and hooligans, as politicians of the time often portrayed them. Instead, these riots were seen as the efforts of ordinary impoverished individuals to uphold the laws and traditions that safeguarded their means of living and ensured affordable living conditions. Their objectives encompassed traders and magistrates who disregarded the regulations for personal gain. However, the state perceived them as a menace and reacted with suppression. The demonstrators spent several decades organizing themselves politically and advocating for the vote as a more impactful means of expressing their opinions.
The recent protests in Kenya were associated with comparable concerns, specifically the escalation of prices resulting from tax hikes. However, the distinction that was observed was the protests were not solely led by the impoverished population, but also by the middle class and the digitally-engaged youth of 'Generation Z' (those born from the mid-to-late 1990s through the early 2010s) who own mobile phones. This poses a greater political threat to the existing neo-colonial social and political order. The protests aimed to revoke the proposed tax hikes that would have immediately affected the cost of living for all Kenyans. However, they were also directed towards the widespread corruption within the political and business elite, including Ruto's close associates. The protests targeted the IMF and the 2021 $2.3 billion bailout package it provided, which required harsh tax measures and subsidy reductions to repay past debts. While ordinary individuals struggled with the expected increase in the cost of living, the wealthy elite's lavish lifestyle, showcased on social media and unaffected by tax increases, only exacerbated their pain.
We need to be aware of the ongoing power of the wealthy elite in many Afrakan countries. This includes white families who are descended from troops and missionaries who lived there generations ago. Many times, these people have kept a lot of power, and they still play a big part in running many parts of society. Colonialism left them with a lasting presence and impact that shapes economic and social structures in ways that keep historical injustices alive.
We need to overstand this situation in order to work toward an Afraka for Afrakans.
Primarily, the protesters were emphasizing that the taxes outlined in the budget were inequitable. These policies were not only regressive, disproportionately affecting the economically disadvantaged, but they were also intended to generate revenue to repay loans that had greatly enriched the few, while providing little real benefit to the middle and lower classes. Indeed, there exists the Standard Gauge Railway connecting Mombasa to a location known as Duka Moja. However, this costly infrastructure project has failed to generate employment opportunities or alleviate the burden of increasing living expenses for the local population.
President Ruto originally denounced the protests as acts of treason committed by criminal individuals and deployed the military to reinstate lawfulness, resulting in the deaths of around 39 demonstrators.
Debate persists on the origins of the looting of stores and the burning of the Parliament building. One perspective suggests that hired vandals were brought in to undermine the protests and legitimize repressive actions. Another perspective posits that some protestors were either venting their fury or seizing the opportunity to exploit the situation. Practically speaking, it is inconsequential: the harm had already been inflicted, and the nation was deeply disturbed.
Ruto is discovering that in a culture that values accountability, protests that escalate into disorder are considered a 'social calamity' by Thompson. In an authoritarian regime, the ruling authorities have no hesitation in using force to suppress any form of disagreement. They maintain control through instilling fear, which further strengthens the atmosphere of intimidation within society. Opposition leaders and dissidents can be apprehended, subjected to physical assault, incarcerated, or even executed without posing a danger to the ruling party's control. However, in a system where the government is based on the consent of the governed, it is crucial for the authorities to safeguard their legitimacy. The question pertains to whose consent is being referred to. Kenya is a democratic country, and Ruto assumed the presidency in a 2022 election that was deemed to be sufficiently free and fair. The budget was ratified by a Parliament that was chosen through a democratic process. Nevertheless, individuals continued to demonstrate their dissent by marching in the streets because democracy is an illusion that fits the agenda of neo-colonialism and globalization.
According to Peter Lockwood's argument, it seems that Kenyan politics is shifting from voting based on ethnicity to voting based on interests. Ruto's popularity among Kikuyu voters was partially attributed to his ability to resonate with the 'hustlers': individuals who are economically disadvantaged, street sellers, and the underprivileged, who were hopeful that he would provide assistance. However, their disillusionment with Uhuru Kenyatta's 'elite capitalism' and Kenya's patron-client politics (also known as neo-patrimonialism in political science) was also a contributing factor. In this system, political support for the president grants individuals access to profitable business prospects. Notably, in the 2022 elections, a significant percentage of eight million eligible voters abstained from voting, which exceeds the number of voters who supported Ruto. This indicates a deep disillusionment with the existing political system. Furthermore, nearly four million additional young Kenyans opted not to register as voters, indicating a collective boycott against an electoral system where the expenses incurred during campaigns, particularly through voter bribery, were outweighed by the salaries, benefits, and bribes received in Parliament. In a political system characterized by patronage, the only avenue for individuals who are not part of the system to have their voices acknowledged is through public demonstrations.
The protests in Nairobi and around the country were driven by the fact that Ruto had altered advantages to his associates and political supporters. Both Kenya's middle classes and hustlers are experiencing the negative effects of inflation caused by increased consumption fueled by debt and the devaluation of the shilling. They perceive no justification for enduring further taxation to settle the debts that were incurred without their agreement and are contrary to their objective interests. Ruto had made minimal efforts to lay the groundwork for his debt plan, whether through the tax-and-pay method endorsed by the IMF or the cut-and-pay one he currently suggests. The previous government, in which Ruto served as Deputy President, incurred unwise borrowing and made inept investments, which ultimately led to the current debt crisis that heavily influences budget policy. To more knowledgeable observers, the worldwide financial system is equally involved in it. The IMF disregarded the appeals of campaigners to withhold financial assistance from the Kenyatta government. Once again, the debt repayment package not only harms ordinary Kenyans, but based on the previous unsuccessful reforms in the 1990s, it is a remedy that could potentially cause more harm than good.
The fact that Ruto was compelled to initially withdraw the budget and now undertake a complete restructuring of his cabinet indicates his recognition of the necessity to restore his credibility by incorporating a broader spectrum of political factions into the administration. However, unless the policy matter is openly discussed and examined in public, Ruto's government will continue to be susceptible to public demonstrations, regardless of who is included in the cabinet. The crowd's moral power has been established and will persist, even if it is no longer physically present on the street.
Kenya is not the only country experiencing this type of economic hardship due to debt, but other nations have approached it in a different manner. Ghana and Zambia were unable to prevent themselves from defaulting on their debt payments. They were also unable to reorganize their debt obligations in order to make the repayments manageable. This would have required significantly increasing taxes or reducing spending. The consequences have included being excluded from global capital markets and experiencing currency depreciation, although they have managed to prevent any outbreaks of unrest thus far. The matter has already reached a crucial stage in the upcoming Ghanaian elections scheduled for December 2024, thus making it inevitable to engage in the ongoing discussion.
The elections in Senegal this year presented a political obstacle rather than an economic one. However, it was not only the phone calls from global leaders, but also the public's demonstrations that ultimately convinced Macky Sall to proceed with the elections and peacefully transfer the Presidency to opposition leader, Diomaye Faye.
Nigeria is currently the African nation most susceptible to such widespread demonstrations. The October 2020 #EndSARS protests showcased the capacity of young Nigerians to effectively organize public demonstrations against the perceived recurring unfairness of arbitrary police arrests. Despite its sudden termination following the 'Lekki Gate massacre', the state has implemented significant measures to deter further protests. However, the mobilization of middle-class sentiment greatly influenced Peter Obi's impressive performance in the 2022 Nigerian elections.
The Nigerian state, more so than the Kenyan state, is primarily driven by patronage networks that are facilitated by the availability of state cash. Due to the heavy reliance on oil revenue, personal and trade taxation in Nigeria is insignificant. The claimed increase in tax collection from 6.7% of GDP in 2021 (according to the OECD) to 10.8% in 2023 (as stated by a government consultant) may really be a reflection of Nigeria's economic downturn. However, it is important to note that Nigeria still has one of the lowest tax rates globally. However, individuals are indeed concerned about the expense of living, the elimination of gasoline subsidies, and the declining value of the Naira due to high inflation. These factors were the basis for the nationwide strikes organized by Nigerian unions in May and June of this year, with the primary demand being an increase in the minimum wage. If prompt action is not taken, the Nigerian populace may once again resort to street protests to demand accountability from a government that has thus far been unsuccessful in fulfilling its promises. According to the Nigerian Economic Summit Group, The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported that all measures of inflation rate rose in June 2024, headline inflation increased to 34.2 percent in June 2024 from 22.8 percent in June 2023 and 34.0 percent in May 2024. This has caused $1 to equate to 1,661.07 Naira today (July 31st, 2024).
Currently, the Tinubu government prioritizes the preservation of patronage networks above addressing public opposition, indicating that it values political survival over combating corruption that supports these networks. Considering the magnitude, variety, and decentralization of Nigeria's political system, that assertion may be accurate at the present moment. The legitimacy of the Nigerian state has been undermined by neo-colonial efforts, bad governance, the Islamist insurgency in the North and is further threatened by widespread banditry and abductions, making its stability uncertain. There is a potential danger that if the situation does not improve in the near future, there may be a manifestation of public dissent in the form of protests. In certain regions, the authorities may experience a full loss of political power, which, given the current conditions, would be extremely challenging to regain without implementing further radical political and economic reforms. Approximately one month after the initial outbreak of protests against President William Ruto's administration, law enforcement authorities resorted to employing tear gas, water cannon, and live ammunition.
The Struggle Continues...
On July 16, four individuals were fatally shot during the protests, purportedly by law enforcement. Since the inception of the demonstrations, the number of casualties has been steadily increasing, with over 50 fatalities recorded since June, as reported by the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.
Kenyan youth and young people throughout the country are actively questioning and challenging exploitative organizations like the IMF, World Bank, and African puppeteers who perpetuate neo-colonialism in Afrakan nations. They are seeking to redirect the course of Afrakan states by asking important and critical questions.
In the previous three years, there have been eight instances of government overthrow in Francophone African countries. A consortium of former French colonies, renowned for their history of military interventions, has now again descended into a series of recurrent coups. The inclusion of Gabon on the roster of repeat offenders would cause concern among persistent dissenters such as Cameroon's Paul Biya. One of the grievances of the coup plotters is the inability to distribute the country's wealth beyond a select few families.
GABON - August 2023
On Wednesday 30 August, military officials declared that they had successfully overthrown the government in Gabon, in what appears to be a coup aimed at President Ali Bongo Ondimba, who had been in office for 14 years and had recently been reelected.
NIGER - July 2023
On 26 July, the troops of the presidential guard erected barriers around President Mohamed Bazoum's palace and issued a last demand. The international community was taken aback by the coup, as they had believed Niger to be the most safe among the fragile states in the Sahel region, with a highly organized and well-financed military. Initially, the regional organization ECOWAS issued a threat of military intervention, but has subsequently opted to pursue a diplomatic settlement. President Bazoum is still in captivity.
BURKINA FASO - January 2022 to September 2022
Soldiers ousted the President of Burkina Faso, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, attributing his downfall on his inability to effectively protect the nation from Islamic extremists. Burkina Faso's gold industry declines as terrorists progress and Russians go. Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the current interim president, deposed Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba in a coup.
Guinea - September 2021
Special forces leader Colonel Mamady Doumbouya ousted President Alpha Condé, an old statesman, in a coup d'état prompted by Condé's manipulation of presidential term limits. The military regime has not provided a definitive schedule for the restoration of democratic governance. Guinea's current leader is Mamadi Doumbouya, serving as the interim president. The source of this information is AFP photographer John Wessels. The interim president of Guinea is Mamadi Doumbouya.
Chad- April 2021
President Idriss Déby was fatally wounded while leading the fight against a rebel insurgency aimed at overthrowing his government. Notwithstanding the constitutional provision designating the speaker for the position, a specialized military council intervened to assume control. Tracing the insurrection that resulted in the death of Idriss Déby General Mahamat Idriss Déby, the son of Déby, assumed the position of president in a proper and expected manner.
MALI - August 2020 to May 2021
President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta has been accused of corruption and failing to effectively address the security situation in the northern region. In response, a group of army colonels, led by Colonel Assimi Goïta, intervened to remove him from office. Bah N'daw assumed the position of acting president in September 2020.
Learn more about the individuals involved in the coup in Bamako, Mali. In May 2021, following a second coup, Goïta assumed the presidency. Following the influence exerted by the regional organization ECOWAS and the subsequent agreement to temporarily halt sanctions, Mali is making progress towards conducting presidential elections in May 2024.
Comments